IDNO

N.102148.MF

Description

Distant view of a crowd of Tallensi men, women and children at “Maanɔp's funeral”. In the background three nugo illa caps are visible. These basketry caps with attached antelope or bushcow horns are traditionally worn for funerals. In the background there is a pointed, thatched adobe hut and other buildings.

Place

W Africa; Ghana; Upper East Region [Gold Coast; Northern Territories]

Cultural Affliation

Tallensi

Named Person

Maanɔp (also spelt Maanɔb)

Photographer

?Fortes, Meyer

Collector / Expedition

Fortes, Meyer

Date

January 1935

Collection Name

Fortes Collection

Source

Drucker-Brown, Susan

Format

Glass Negative Halfplate

Primary Documentation

Other Information

N.101833.MF - N.102152.MF were kept in the box now numbered C547/.

Similar Image: For similar photographs of funeral ceremonies and dress, See Plates 1-3 in Smith, 1987, p. 47 and Plate 14 in Smith, 1982. [AF 23/4/2008]

Clothing: “Until this century, only a few hat types were traditionally worn by Frafra men, and these were associated with privilege or achievement. The most respected head covering is a blackened cap made of twined bast fiber. This cap is restricted to the custodian of the earth (tendana) and an important category of diviner (bakolidana). Both of these positions are vested with considerable influence and authority. When chieftancy was introduced, a red fez became the emblem of a paramount chief. Chiefs also wear cloth caps enhanced by leather or metal amulets. Another traditional head covering is the semicircular calabash helmet used by hunters and warriors. This form, frequently decorated with cowrie shells, animal hair, or feathers, is symbolic of achieved success. For funerals there are two basic helmet types: the nugo, basketry cap with sheep-hair plume (Fig. 14), and the nugo illa, basketry cap with attached antelope or bushcow horns.” (Smith, 1982).

Context: “The Frafra of northeastern Ghana comprise a cluster of four culturally, linguistically, and historically related groups: The Gurensi, Tallensi, Nabdam, and Kusasi. In general, the two most important realms of Frafra ceremony are those associated with funerals and agriculture. These relate to the sociopolitical and religious significance of the ancestors and the earth, which govern and structure Frafra life. The agricultural rituals, consisting of both sowing and harvest festivals, vary considerably from ethnic group to ethnic group. Moreover, there is significant variation within the ethnic group, as is the case among the Tallensi. Burial activities and funerals, on the other hand, exhibit only minor differences. Death from the frafra is an event laden with multiple social ramifications and ritual implications. ... Meyer Fortes has noted that Tallensi funerary ceremonies “epitomise the entire social structure and enable one to see precisely how the lineage is constituted” (1945; 31). Frafra funerary ceremonies, which are kin-centred, hemp maintain the social network by dramatizing symbols of social integration. When a Frafra dies, the body is quickly interred and a three-day burial rite is held. People are encouraged to bury the corpse on the day of death by the tendanna, custodian of the Earth, “so that it will not be rotten and spoil the land” (Rattray 1932: 319). The critical relationship to the Earth must never be ignored. After the body has been washed, dressed, and prepared for burial, it is carried around the outside of the compound (household) three times if the deceased is male, and four times if female. Throughout northern Ghana, southern Burkina Faso, and northwestern Togo, the number three is associated with men and the number four with women; symbols of gender differentiation are an important component of Frafra ritual activity. The grave, normally located outside the compound, is referred to as “the room” of the deceased. According to Robert S. Rattray, “the entrance to the grave is by a bottle-neck circular hole after which the grave widens out, the whole thing being not unlike a decanter” (1932: 292). The structure of the grave, which in fact strongly reflects domestic architecture, including the entrance, symbolises the continued role in society of the person who had died as well as the cooperation between the ancestors and the Earth. As the room of the deceased, it is constructed of the same material and in the same form as a traditional sleeping room. Moreover, it is located not only on the Earth but within the Earth. Within the grave, a man is placed facing east and a woman facing west.
The deceased’s sons and daughters have their heads shaved as a sign of mourning and ritual purification and assume full responsibility for conducting the necessary mortuary rites. For a man, the sons, especially the elder, assume primary responsibility. Fortes reports that the “most sacred duty owned by son to parent....is the performance of his or her funeral ceremonies. This is the case in spite of the fact that funeral rites are also the concern of the whole lineage and clan” (1945: 122). The children will confer among themselves and direct the senior son to consult with the lineage elders to set a date for the funeral. This will take place anywhere from one to three years after the death. Many factors enter into their decision. Until the funeral is properly held, however, the person’s spirit resides between the world of the living and the world of the ancestors in a state of liminality. Until its transition to the beyond is completed, the spiritual essence of the deceased could menace the living and prevent the reconstruction of the social order. According to one Frafra elder, “It is not good to wait too long before holding a wuure (funeral) because the spirit of the dead person will grow angry” (interview at Zuarungu, January 1973). In addition, it is the funeral that validates the newly inherited roles and property.
The length of a funeral varies according to the deceased’s age and status. For a male elder and or senior woman the ceremony last seven days and requires considerable resources. The funeral ceremony, performed only during the dry season is a major public event. According to Fortes, “it is not uncommon for nearly the whole harvest of a household to be consumed in making the beer and providing the cooked food required” (1949: 180). Three nights before the funeral of a man and four nights before the funeral of a woman, the eldest son will inform the members of the compound that the ceremony will commence. The announcement night is called paligo. Word is then sent to all the neighbours and relatives, especially the person’s married daughters. This event represents the first formal recognition of the death. The compound of a deceased woman’s father is now officially notified. ... By mid morning on the first full day (fagba), the men and musicians begin milling around the compound and its entryway (zanore) to wait the arrival of others, which will mark the public part of the ceremony (Fig. 3). The clothing of a deceased man, especially his smocks may be displayed on the roof of the compound’s head room, which is adjacent to the zanore. The clothing is said to symbolise him and indicate his role in the compound. The clothing of a deceased woman may be displayed within her sleeping room.

Later that day, the removal of the deceased from the world of the living is symbolised by the destruction of certain items. Fortes has noted that these other rites “symbolise the removal of the social personality of the deceased from the world of the living and his or her incorporation among the ancestors. They also symbolise the emancipation of the children from the control of their living parent and the assumption by the oldest son or daughter of the father’s or mother’s position in society” (1949: 232). The bow and quiver of a deceased man is removed from his granary by the senior son, who takes it to the cross roads and burns it. Pots from the sleeping room of a deceased woman and calabashes from her zanlenga (the fiber net that holds a woman’s calabash bowls) (Fig. 4) are broken to symbolise that she will no longer be participating in the day-to-day activities of the compound. The net and broken calabashes are important female symbols. (Smith, 1987).

Bibliographical Reference: Fortes, Meyer, 1945. Dynamics of Clanship Among the Tallensi (London: Oxford University Press).

Bibliographical Reference: Fortes, Meyer, 1949. The Web of Kinship Among the Tallensi (London: Oxford University Press).

Bibliographical Reference: Fortes, Meyer, 1987. Religion, Morality and the Person: Essays on Tallensi Religion (London: Oxford University Press).

Bibliographical Reference: Smith, F.T., 1987, ‘Symbols of Conflict and Integration in Frafra Funerals,’ African Arts, Vol. 21, No. 1., pp.46-51+87.

Bibliographical Reference: Smith, F. T. 1982. ‘FraFra Dress’. African Arts, Vol. 15, No.3., pp.36-42 +92.

This catalogue record has been updated with the support of the Getty Grant Program Two. [Elisabeth Deane 28/2/2008] [Alicia Fentiman, 23/4/2008]